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Hisila Yami, a former minister of Nepal, was recently in Qatar. She has been active in Nepalese politics since the past three decades, having maintained her own identity besides being the wife of former PM and UCPN-Maoist leader Dr Baburam Bhattarai. After the promulgation of the new constitution, Bhattarai and Yami resigned from the UCPN (Maoist) party, paving the way for Naya Shakti, a new political force in the country to focus on economic development. Community spoke to Yami about her party and the road ahead. Excerpts:
What made you think of a new political outfit? Has your former party lost its track or you wanted something different?
I have never regretted my past activities related to People’s War (PW). It was a historical calling to get rid of feudalism in the country, a cause for which thousands sacrificed their lives. It was a necessary political move to erode feudalism in order to create a new capitalist base. If all aspects of PW were directed to destroy feudalism then in order to construct a capitalist base, it was necessary to restructure methodology of leadership, restructure the organisation, reinvent ways of reaching out to the masses and recast party activities, so as to create a base for achieving socialist-oriented capitalism in Nepal.
Even when we were negotiating the peace process we had been raising issues of restructuring our party within the old UCPN (Maoist) in line with the new phase of socialist-oriented capitalism. But it was never heeded. Even while in government, we kept persuading our party chairman to at least change our party structure in line with the then functioning of the interim constitution. But again he did not heed.
Do you think people will support your new campaign for so called ‘Naya Shakti’ (New Force). They are fed up with these kinds of political promises?
The Naya Shakti mission is fundamentally different as it did not start as a readymade split party but as a mission to start with new methodology of organisation (participatory), new methodology of leadership (two term for leadership), new methodology of organisation (based on inclusion and proportional representation).
Politically speaking, the New Force will adopt inclusive and participatory democracy. Economically speaking, the New Force aims at achieving rapid industrialisation which avoids structural crises of both neo-liberalism and orthodox state socialism. New Force will usher in economic revolution with social equity. Socially speaking, it will provide proportionate representation in the party and state organs to the three major cluster of nationalities, via the Khas-Arya, the Tibeto-Burman or indigenous nationalities and the Madhesi-Tharu. And it promotes ushering inclusive development.
Culturally speaking, we are going to imbue new culture of transparency, respecting the value of labour, the culture of accepting unity in diversity, in short all the culture which helps in removing remnants of feudal relations and all values which helps in creating the base for capitalism oriented to socialism.
We have seen Dr Bhattarai being involved in several interaction programmes with various sections of people but how far does this help you unify a big support to form a new power?
Our aim is to move away from traditional functioning of the parties who are stuck in status quo. We are for the state not as a means to stay in power but to institutionalise change. Hence it has to incorporate experts and advisers on various fronts. The exercise will no longer be only procedural, but it has to also inculcate participatory democracy. In order to achieve this, the party is going through various interaction programmes. In the long run, the participatory method will ensure unity.
Nepal is in a crisis with economic blockade on its Indian border. There is a shortage of cooking gas, electricity and other problems. In this kind of situation, what is the significance of your campaign Naya Shakti?
We have clearly stated that the Madhesh Movement is our internal problem. It has to be solved by the Nepalese government through dialogue. This is the third time since the promulgation of interim constitution that they have agitated to strengthen inclusive federalism. The present constitution fell below interim constitution whereas it should have gone beyond interim constitution. It is unfortunate that India has been dragged into this confusion. The only solution is to deal with India through diplomatic channels. In short, these issues must not be mixed up, but dealt separately.
Have you faced adverse reaction about your campaign on social networking sites? Many people are not happy with your move. How can you overcome this to make them believe in your new agenda?
We too have been using social media, particularly Dr Bhattarai who has been disseminating our programmes, aspirations and plans. We are guided by a positive attitude.
You have raised the issue of caste and ethnicity, and even the federalism based on that. How far is this applicable in Nepal? Don’t you see the risk at national sovereignty and integrity?
We have raised this in order to raise our human index. This is needed to enhance their productive capacities for ushering economic revolution. The ownership feeling, the sense of responsibility towards the new nation will come only when their oppression is addressed, when their lost identities have been acknowledged in order to bring them to the mainstream.
The political stalemate between the ruling and Madhesi parties is Nepal’s internal matter. How did India get involved?
India is an immediate neighbour. And with an open border that too with most populous Indian states adjoining Terai region in Nepal, they seem to have been dragged in I suppose.
Analysing the past patterns of Indian blockade, when do you think the current embargo will come to an end?
It comes to an end as soon as the Madhesi issue is solved. This means the present constitution should not at least fall short of the interim constitution, which all the parties had been following in the past eight years without hiccups. The ruling parties need to carry on the dialogue with the agitating parties, while continuing diplomatic negotiations with India. It is also important to resolve the issue of provincial boundaries by taking past agreements and suggestions provided by the State Restructuring Commission with a bit of give and take.
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